The performance of the prospective irregular shaped space-time permutation scan statistics, named mlink-space and mlink space-time, is promising. The proposed methods provide clusters detection in which the shape of the cluster can be irregular in space, and equally important, its spatial extent may shift over time. Another contribution of our proposed methods is its capacity to integrate a wide variety of information during the clustering process. The surveillance analysis can be adapted to specific aspects of the event under study such as social networks, transportation routes, and landscape information. By doing so, it is expected that an Euclidian based surveillance system and our proposed methods may detect different clusters, and both types may be used in parallel.
As exhaustive notes to the Book are available both in Warner's Egerton edition and in Seymour's recent Defective edition (though without the support of a bibliography), no effort has been made here to research each source comprehensively or to parse each individual instance of note. Rather, these notes seek to provide sufficient supporting material to aid in close reading of the text, to direct readers' attention to significant issues in scholarship on the Book, and to offer suggestions for further reading on areas of potential interest. While many errors of fact and inconsistencies within the text are here noted, no effort has been made to consistently note every instance in which the Book's information is skewed or erroneous.In addition to the notes, we have supplied a detailed glossary of proper names indexed to the text (see pp. 153-76) as well as an overview of the major sources that underlie the Book as we have it (see the Appendix, pp. 135-42).Biblical references are to the Douay-Rheims version. References to the \"Book\" are general, whereas references to particular manuscripts and versions of the Book are so noted.ABBREVIATIONS: B: The Bodley Version of Mandeville's Travels, ed. Seymour (1963); D: The Defective Version of Mandeville's Travels, ed. Seymour (2002 ); K: The Book of John Mandeville, ed. Kohanski (2002); S: Mandeville's Travels, ed. Seymour (1967); R: London, British Library MS Royal 17 C xxxviii; W: The Buke of John Maundeuill, ed. Warner (1889).1-9 This preface, written in the third person and seemingly compiled from information found elsewhere in the text (see the Appendix) is not found in other versions of the Book. The real identity of the traveler \"Sir John Mandeville,\" if indeed such a person existed, has been the subject of long-standing debate. (For an overview of the authorship controversy, see K, pp. xxiii-xxviii; Seymour, Sir John Mandeville, pp. 5-24; and Higgins, Writing East, pp. 8-13.) While \"Mandeville's\" identity as an English knight from St. Albans who traveled through the Holy Land and the Far East in the early to mid-1300s was long accepted as a nucleus of fact, even these basic assumptions are no longer considered valid. Seymour states categorically that \"(a) Mandeville's Travels was written on the continent in French, by an unknown hand, c. 1357\" and \"(b) The author was probably not an Englishman, and the existence of 'Sir John Mandeville' is completely fictitious\" (B, p. 176 n147/13). It is now generally supposed that the earliest versions of the Book were in French, rather than English.Whether the author of the Book ever in fact traveled has also been a longstanding source of debate. From the classic comment that the author probably never traveled \"farther than the nearest library,\" to Giles Milton's recent assertion of the real travel experience of the author based upon a modern excursionin the footsteps of Mandeville, opinions vary widely. What is clear is that much of the Book is based on other written sources, many of which have been traced (see the Appendix for sources for the Book).Even if one accepts \"John Mandeville\" as a real person and a world traveler, the dates of travel and of composition of the Book remain problematic. In many of the Insular French texts, the excursion date is given as 1322 and the book is reported as having been written \"after 34 years,\" i.e., in 1356. Most Continental texts, however, claim it was written in 1357. In the English Defective tradition, the date of \"Mandeville's\" departure ranges from 1300 to 1366 - tending to cluster in the 1320s and 1330s (British Library MS Arundel 140 no. 1's date of 1366 is clearly a scribal error, as the date \"1332\" is crossed out and \"1366\" substituted, apparently as a result of confusion over whether the date of departure or composition is being given). As Seymour notes, \"Jean le Long's translations, which the author used, were completed in 1351, and the earliest dated manuscript was written in 1371\" (B, p. 175n147/5). He concludes, \"A study of the scribal tradition suggests a date c. 1357,\" a sensible estimate.19 I am kyng of Jewes. John 19:19-21.23 vertu of thynges is in the myddel. Aristotle (Nicomachean Ethics 2.6) and Cicero (\"On Duties\" 1.25), among others, speak of the virtue of the middle way. In a clever semantic shift, the narrator turns Aristotle's idea that every virtue exists as a mean between vices to his own ends, as proof for Jerusalem's geographical location as the \"mean point\" of greatest holiness in a world of sin.It should be noted, however, that in order for Jerusalem to occupy the \"middle of the world,\" the world would have to be flat: an idea firmly contradicted by the narrator later in the text.48 conquere here ryght heritage. Warner suggests that the narrator's criticism of great lords' interest in \"disinheriting their neighbors\" rather than taking up the noble cause of crusading in the Holy Land may be a comment upon Edward III's wars with France, and more specifically the Battle of Poitiers, fought in 1356 (W, p. 157n2.14). Crusading zeal was much diminished in the Mandeville-author's time, the last crusade having embarked for the Holy Land in 1270 and ended in failure.72 The Cotton Version declares here that its text was translated from Latin into French and then from French into English. Most authorities, however, now believe that the Book was originally written in French (see note to lines 1-9).82-91 Hungary expanded its holdings significantly in the mid-1300s, with the annexation of Bulgaria lasting into the late 1360s. Thus the inclusion of Bulgaria as a Hungarian territory in this passage is sometimes thought significant to the dating of the text. Arpad Steiner's \"Date of Composition\" is devoted to this brief passage, arguing that it attests to a date of composition between 1365 and 1371. While the Mandeville-author appears to derive his route through Hungary to Constantinople from Albert of Aix's early twelfth-century history of the First Crusade, Hungary's holdings in the passage clearly reflect a much later time period. Slavonia (Savoyze) and Cumania (Comayne) were not annexed until 1180 and 1233, respectively (see W, p. 157n4.2).98-106 In his Bodley text, Seymour takes this passage as partial proof that the Mandeville-author worked exclusively from sources: \"The huge bronze statue of Justinian, erected in 543, originally held in the left hand a gilt orb, the appil of gold, surmounted by a cross. This cross was blown down in 1317 and restored in 1325. The legend recorded here, in an account otherwise derived from William of Boldensele, probably stems from this accident. The confusion of the cross and the orb, said to equal a fifteen-gallon jar in size, proves that the author was not writing from personal observation\" (B, p. 150n7/1). In the more recent edition of the Defective Version, however, Seymour accedes to the belief that the orb itself had fallen, thus rendering the source-question open once again (D, p. 138n6/31). The fourteenth-century Byzantine scholar Nicephorus Gregoras reports the absence of the cross from 1317 to 1325. William of Boldensele, the Book's main source for this section, reports the orb with cross in the hand of the statue.Fazy (\"Jehan de Mandeville, \" p. 44) reflects that the period in which the cross/orb was missing was just around the time that the Mandeville-author might have been in Constantinople, but by the time his chief source, William of Boldensele, arrived in 1333 it would have been restored. Thus the Mandeville-author's account of its absence may be a firsthand observation, unless culled directly from Gregoras.98 Seynt Sophie. \"Hagia Sopia\" is, in the case of the renowned church, properly translated not as \"Saint Sophia,\" but as \"Holy Wisdom.\" The Hagia Sophia is dedicated not to the saint, but to the Holy Wisdom of God.110-15 The Monastery of Stavrovouni (literally \"Cross Mountain\") in Cyprus is dedicated to the Holy Cross. According to tradition, it was founded by St. Helena (see Indexed Glossary: \"Eline\"), who visited the island with the True Cross after finding it in Jerusalem. The Cross vanished during her stay, but for three nights a bright light was seen on the mountaintop. Investigating, Helena and her companions found the Cross floating above the ground: an event that was interpreted as a sign that a monastery should be constructed there. Thus the hill and the monastery both came to be known as \"Stavrovouni.\"Cypriot tradition states that Helena left a fragment of the Cross in the keeping of the monks at Stavrovouni. By the 1300s it was generally believed, as here, to be a fragment of the cross of Dismas rather than of Christ. See also the explanatory notes to lines 152 and 653-57 .Warner offers several local variations on the story of the Cross' coming to Stavrovouni as well as an account of the disposition of the sponge, reed, and other holy relics (W, pp. 158-59nn5.5, 5.7). Varying accounts of the movements of the most sacred relics (the sponge and reed, the spear, pieces of the Cross and the crosses of the two thieves, the crown of thorns, etc.) abound, sometimes out of honest confusion but all too often, as the narrator here goes on to lament, because the claim of possessing a holy relic so often translates to tourism, prestige, and wealth.113 Dismas . . . was honged. See Luke 23:32-43.116-17 In . . . oliva. \"The Cross was made of palm, cedar, cypress, and olive.\" The idea of the Cross as composed of numerous different woods is probably based on a type from Isaias: \"The glory of Libanus shall come to thee, the fir tree, and the box tree, and the pine tree together, to beautify the place of my sanctuary\" (60:13). Warner (W, p. 159n5.10, 6.6) offers a lengthy overview of the tradition and its permutations, noting the Book's apparent debt to the version found in Jacobus of Voragine's Golden Legend (1.278).Warner notes that the following story \"of Seth's visit to Paradise . . . is found in the second part of the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, stopping short, however, at the angel's refusal of the oil of mercy,\" and that the story exists in numerous versions, the most popular of which has Seth emerging with \"grains\" to place on his father's tongue, as here. Commonly Seth emerges with three grains, in accordance with the three-wood type of Isaias 60:13 as well as other early accounts of the Cross as being of three, not four, woods: cypress, pine, and cedar. The Book here gives Seth four grains, presumably to accord with the four-wood model found in Jacobus.152 doughter of a kyng. Helena's father is elsewhere identified as the legendary King Coel of Britain (\"Old King Cole\"). The story of her discovery of the True Cross is subject to question, but has long been considered historically true by much of the Catholic world. See also the explanatory notes to lines 110-15 and 653-57.157-61 The King's Chapel here is Sainte-Chapelle, \"founded by St. Louis in 1246 as a reliquary for the holy relics redeemed by him from the Venetian merchants (not the Jews) to whom Baldwin II had pawned them\" (D, p. 139n9/17). That the Venetian pawnbrokers should be transformed by the text into Jews is unsurprising, not only because the Jews were so strongly associated with money-lending throughout the Middle Ages, but also because the Book shows a marked tendency to represent the Jews as dangerous to and subversive of Christianity. Their depiction here as infidel purveyors of the holy relics of Christendom is well in keeping with this motif.165 The risshes of the see described here are more commonly referred to in the texts as \"jonques of the see, \" prompting Seymour's identification of them with juncus glaucus, the bog-rush (D, p. 139n9/21). Seymour goes on to observe, rightly, that \"the exhibits at Sainte-Chapelle were medieval forgeries\" and that \"The Crown of Thorns reported in the gospels is now believed to have been made of the spines of the date palm (phoenix dactylifera) . . . the only suitable flora then available in Jerusalem.\"The Book's story of the four successive crownings of Christ (with albespina, barberry, briar rose, and finally the \"jonques of the see\") may reflect a medieval effort to encompass conflicting theories about the Crown of Thorns as well as to allow for a wider range of the thorn-relics on display to be regarded as genuine, much as stories of the separation and distribution of the True Cross to protect it from the infidel helped validate the claims of the many places claiming to own a segment of it.166-67 Y have a poynt therof. The narrator's claim to possess a thorn from Christ's crown is an example of his linking his own life to the narrative, a truth-claim model found often in the course of the Book.175-76 And therfor hath the albespyne many vertues. Warner notes that the protective properties of the albespina are referenced as far back as Ovid and thus long predate the coming of Christ (W, p. 160n6.26).188 Hayl, kyng of Jewes. Matthew 27:29; Mark 15:18; John 19:13.196 [Y]drions probably stems from Greek anydros (anhydrous; free of water vapor). Both Pliny and Isidore of Seville describe\"enhydros\" as a kind of agate that expels water.210-13 The report of reverence for Aristotle's tomb, including the detail that proximity to the tomb was believed to provide a person with insight into the truth of matters, is also noted in the widely circulated tradition of sentential materials rooted in the Arabic Mokhtâr el-Hikam, translated into Spanish as Bocados de Oro, which was in turn translated into Latin as Liber Philosophorum Moralium Antiquorum, the source for Guillaume de Tignonville's French translation, Dits Moraulx. It appears in Middle English, for example, in Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, as part of the background for Aristotle (ed. Sutton, 13.56-70 [pp. 65-66]).216-19 In most versions of the story the peak of Athos is said to cast the marketplace of Myrina on the isle of Lemnos into shadow. Pliny the Elder reports the phenomenon in his Natural History (Book 4, chapter 2) as does Solinus, who goes on to relate that Athos towers above the precipitation line and that as a result the ash at its peak never washes away (chapter 20).223 emperouris paleis. Neither the palace of Boukoleon nor the Hippodrome adjoining it is noted by the Book's main source of information about Constantinople, William of Boldensele. Such details, not traceable to available sources, have convinced some scholars of the authenticity of at least part of the Book as the firsthand account of a traveler. Those supporting the idea of the Mandeville-author as a traveler to at least some degree notably include Bennett (Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville) and Moseley (Travels). For an overview of arguments pro and con, see Kohanski, \"Uncharted Territory, \" pp. 64-68.228-34 The story of the engraving found in the grave of the wise man, asserting his proto-Christian faith, was commonly attached to the mythic figure Hermes Trismegistos. Here, Hermes is conflated with Hermogenes of Tarsus, the Greek rhetorician of the late second century AD. The Book's direct source for the story is unclear, but Oliverus Scholasticus refers to \"certain heathen gentiles\" who \"had the Holy Sprit on their lips, but not in their heart, and prophesied plainly about Christ\" (Capture of Damietta, p. 50), and Roger Bacon notes that Trismegistos' views on the creative nature of God accord with those of St. John the Evangelist despite the fact that the former \"lived near the time of Moses and Joshua\" (Moral Philosophy, pt. 1, p. 646). Other analogues are found in Jacobus of Voragine's Golden Legend (2:376) and elsewhere.238-39 the Pope John the Twelfthe sende lettres. In other manuscripts of the Book, these letters are generally attributed to Pope John XXII, who held the office from 1316 to 1334. The reference here to \"John the Twelfthe,\" who was pope from 955 to 964, probably results from an error in transcribing the Roman numeral. The papal power \"to bind and to assoil\" is a reference to the Roman Catholic belief that Christ gave power to the popes as successors to St. Peter, the first pope, both to damn and to forgive.248 greet covetise. John XXII was roundly criticized after his death for his efforts to assert dominion over the Greek Church. Although the emperor Andronicus III did firmly reject the pope's assumption of power, this return message with its reference to John's\"great covetousness\" was a widely circulated fake.249-74 Many of the practices attributed to the Greek Church in this passage are reversed or unfounded. For example, the reference to the Greeks as \"anointing no sick man before his death\" suggests that the Greeks practice the sacrament of unction only on the deathbed. In fact, however, Greek practice diverged from Roman in that the Greeks offered frequent unction for the sick, and the Romans only \"extreme\" (deathbed) unction. The accusation that the Greek Church sanctions fornication is, of course, absurd, and hardly accords with the harsh moralism of the following statement: that if one marries more than once, one's children are bastards. The prohibition of second marriages held only for clergy. Lay people were, however, discouraged from marrying more than three times (a prohibition the Wife of Bath would doubtless have challenged).250 Maundé. The Maunde was the ceremony of washing the feet of the poor on Holy Thursday, also known as Maundy Thursday (Dies Mandati). The sacrament of sour or wheaten bread is in token of the church's ministry to the poor, in accordance with Christ's new mandate to \"love one another\" (see John 13:34). That the Greek Church considered the bread consecrated on Maundy Thursday especially holy, as the passage goes on to suggest, was considered an error of their belief by the Roman Church.284 mastik. Resinous gum which has been produced on the Greek island of Scios for centuries. The Genoese in the Middle Ages held a profitable monopoly on the island's mastic, which was marketed as a medicine. It was (and is) also chewed recreationally, like chewing gum, especially in the Middle East. The book later reports tables and stairs made of \"mastyk\" at lines 2450 and 2454.292-93 Turkes haldeth Turkey. By the time the Book was written, the Hospitallers had in fact retaken parts of Asia Minor, notably the city of Smyrna (Izmir) which they held from 1344 to 1402. The Mandeville-author follows Boldensele, whose account was written in 1336, before the capture of Smyrna.293-98 The story of St. John having commissioned his own tomb and lain down in it while still alive, as well as the report that when opened the tomb was found to contain only manna (lines 290-91), dates back as far as the sixth century, where it is found in pseudo-Abdias' Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. The Book probably takes the story from Jacobus of Voragine's Golden Legend. In any case, the idea that nothing but manna is to be found in the tomb clearly conflicts with the idea that St. John remains in his tomb alive, his stirrings causing the earth above him to shift.301 iles of Grece. The \"isle of Greece,\" i.e., Crete, was never given to the Genoese (\"Jonays,\" line 302). Rather, after the fall of Constantinople to the Latins in 1204, it was sold to the Venetians. The Book has a tendency to confound the Venetians with others; see, for example, lines 157-61 (and the corresponding explanatory note), where they are misidentified as Jews.302 Both Cofos and Lango appear to refer to the Greek isle of Cos, with which the story of Hippocrates' daughter is generally associated. Warner suggests that the story may owe a debt to the role of the serpent in the cult of Asculepius, prominent on the island (W, p. 163n12.16), or to Hippocrates' son Draco. Although most of the surrounding material derives from William of Boldensele, the Book's source for this story - which does not appear in Boldensele, but survives elsewhere in many forms - is unknown. Common speculation is that it was transmitted through a crusader history, as were many such tales.344 Seynt Poule in his pistle. The text makes a leap here, common in the Middle Ages, from \"Collos,\" the archaic name for Rhodes, to St. Paul's letter to the Colossians. According to Catholic tradition, however, the Colossians were the people of Colossae, east of Ephesus in Asia Minor, not the people of Rhodes. The Hospitallers held the island of Rhodes from 1309 to 1523, when it was captured by the Turks.346-48 It is not entirely clear whether the Book refers here to the grapes themselves, on the vine, or to the wine. Cypriot wine (later known as \"Commanderia\") was highly valued in the Middle Ages, and there are numerous reports of its changing color over time, although accounts disagree as to whether it becomes darker or lighter with age.350-58 Believed to stem ultimately from the classical story of the beheaded Gorgon, this story was apparently current in the Middle East during the time of the Crusades. Variants are recorded by Walter Map, among others. Warner (W, p. 164-65n14.6) offers several variations of the story.368 castel of Amors. According to tradition, the \"castle of Love\" is so called because it occupies the site of a former temple of Eros. The site is famous, too, as the fourth-century hermitage of St. Hilarion. Although Hilarion was buried at the site, his chief biographer, St. Jerome, reports that his body was later removed to his birthplace in Palestine.377-81 Tyre (Sûr), one of the key ports of the Holy Land, was under Christian control from 1124 to 1291. It was recaptured in 1291 by the Saracens and subsequently razed.383 bossh many. The text here seems to be unique in noting that bossh may be found on the shoreline. Other manuscripts (e.g., D, p. 18; K, p. 12; S, p. 20) are unanimous in reading instead \"rubies.\" The sense for bossh, according to the OED, could be either\"forests\" or \"merchant ships,\" with the latter fitting especially well in the present context of a port haven where supplies can be procured.385 well of gardeyns. The \"Fons Hortorum\" is the Fountainhead or Ras el 'Ain, which supplied ancient Tyre with water by means of a series of cisterns and a now-ruined aqueduct. It is here associated with the well of the Canticle of Canticles 4:15.387-88I-blessid be . . . souke. Luke 11:27.394-95 she fundide the cité of Cartage. Our manuscript here reads \"he fundide\" (see textual note to line 394), which would seem to suggest Aeneas as the founder of Carthage. \"He\" here is likely a scribal misreading of \"heo\" (she), the term that prevails in the Defective Version generally. The case for the female pronoun is strengthened by the fact that Dido is generally considered the founder of Carthage (compare Aeneid 1.480-522).395-96 The narrator here conflates Agenor, who was Dido's father and the king of Tyre, with Achilles, the Greek hero of the Trojan War.400-01 The apocryphal ascription of Jaffa's founding to Noah's son Japhet is widespread, hinging on a false etymology derived from the similarity of names. Here the story is drawn from William of Boldensele, the Book's chief source on the Holy Land. Lines 2018-27 relate the story of the world being divided among the three sons of Noah after the flood, with Shem taking Africa, Ham Asia, and Japhet Europe. The ports of the Middle East may well have been considered part of Europe by crusade-minded Europeans.Ham and Shem are here transposed, as was common in the Middle Ages. For discussion of Ham's reported role as ruler of Asia, see the explanatory note to lines 2018-48.406-07 The mile in the Middle Ages was not a standardized measure, different areas having standard miles of varying lengths. The Book generally takes \"miles of Lumbardy\" as its measure of distance, but distance measures in the book are so notoriously skewed that they are of little practical value. Seymour references a passage in Warner's Insular Version (58.33) that equates Lumbard miles with \"the miles of our country,\" i.e., England (D, p. 142n19/21); he goes on to equate these miles with the continental league, or half of a \"great league.\" The \"great league\" seemingly refers to the \"leagues\" or \"great miles\" of France and Germany, which were equal to two English miles (see W, p. 162n11.13).423 The Gravely See, discussed at greater length at lines 2423-27, was said to be a great sea of sand, complete with waves and fish, in the land of Prester John. The reference is almost certainly to one of the great eastern deserts, but owing to the uncertain geography of the Book nearly any desert from Turkmenistan's Karakum to Mongolia's Gobi may underlie the reference. Seymour (D, p. 166n115/16) identifies it with the Takla Makan desert, on the old Silk Road through the Persian empire.The Foss of Memnon (line 415), described here as a swolwyng (\"gulf\") of that sea, had long been famous for its vitreous nature. The idea that any metal put into the Foss would become glass is, however, obviously an exaggeration.443 thre children. Chapter 1 of the Book of Daniel repeatedly refers to Daniel and his three companions as \"children, \"most notably as \"children of Israel\" (1:3) and \"children in whom there was no blemish\" (1:4). But in the account of the fiery furnace, it is made clear that they are grown men, whom Nebuchadnezzar has \"set over the works of the province of Babylon\" (3:12), and children only in the symbolic sense, as \"children of God.\" The popular belief that they were small children may stem in part from the medieval Europeans' prediliction for stories of infant piety, such as the tale told by Chaucer's Prioress.446 This strong castel is Saladin's fortress of Al Kalah, erected in 1166.457-58 And many . . . Mount Moyses. The apparent discontinuity of the text here is the result of the \"Egypt Gap,\" a lengthy lacuna in the Book's description of Egypt that is shared by most manuscripts in English, causing them to be dubbed \"Defective.\" Versions that do contain the Egypt material usually include the following topics: how the sultans of Babylon came to power; the powers and prerogatives of the sultans (including their armies, their many wives, and their concubines); a contrast between the sultan's Babylon (Cairo) and Babylon the Great on the Euphrates River, where the Tower of Babylon stood; an account of the environs of Cairo and the yearly flooding of the Nile; the geography and people of Egypt; the story of the Temple of the Phoenix in Heliopolis, with a discussion of the phoenix as a symbol of Christ; the mice, slave markets, and ingenious incubators of Egypt; crops such as bananas, melons, figs, and balm, and their Christian associations; the Saracen practice of selling false balm to unsuspecting pilgrims; the pyramids as \"Joseph's granaries\"; the Egyptian alphabet; pilgrimage routes from Western Europe to Cairo; the way from Cairo to Mount Sinai; the church, miracles, and relics of St. Katherine on Mount Sinai; and the holy places associated with Moses on Mount Sinai.The two texts in English that preserve the Egypt material are the Cotton and Egerton manuscripts. Modern editions that include the Egypt material are Moseley's Penguin translation of the Egerton Version (Travels) and Seymour's two Oxford editions of the Cotton Version (Mandeville's Travels, 1967 in Middle English; 1968 in Modern English).Our manuscript, Royal 17C, is notable for the smooth transition it makes over the Egypt Gap. Whereas most Defective manuscripts join the edges of the gap in an unclear sentence beginning in Egypt and ending at the Mount of St. Katherine, Royal 17C bridges the gap less awkwardly, beginning a new sentence to make the transition to the Mount of St. Katherine. The non sequitur persists, of course, but in a far less obvious form (see K, pp. xl-xli).503 Cariatharba. Kirjath arba in fact means \"City of the Four,\" a reference to the Talmudic assertion that four of the Patriarchs, including Adam, are buried there. The text's assertion at lines 496-97 that David, Abraham, and Jacob are buried there with their wives Eve, Sara, and Rebecca is clearly garbled. Commonly those who accompany Adam are Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and their wives Eve, Sara, Rebecca, and Rachel. Royal 17C's substitution of David for Adam may simply be an error, or may reflect the fairly common medieval belief that Adam was not, in fact, buried in Hebron, despite the assertion of Joshua 14:15: \"The name of Hebron before was called Cariath-Arbe: Adam the greatest among the Enacims was laid there.\"The name Cariatharba properly refers to Hebron itself, although the text here uses it interchangeably with the \"Spelunca Duplex,\" the Double Cave in which the sepulchers of the Patriarchs are said to lie. The tomb was off-limits to both Christians and Jews, but several reports from travelers of the period suggest that Jews could sometimes buy access, while Christians were utterly prohibited.505 as Holy Writ sayth: Tres vidit et unum adoravit. The Latin, contrary to the implication of the text, is not biblical but liturgical, being the antiphon for vespers on Quinquagesima Sunday. The basis for the line is, however, found in Genesis 18:2-3.511-13 Warner notes: \"according to rabbinical authority he sinned in the tenth hour after creation and was expelled from Paradise in the twelfth. So too the curious thirteenth century catechism of science known as Sydrac and Boctus (quoting the later English Metrical Version): 153554b96e